Ukraine Referendum, With Three Big Issues, Voted Down by Split Ukrainian Parliament

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Three big issues in Ukraine were set for a nationwide referendum May 25, but the majority of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament, voted against the referendum Tuesday.

The three issues pressing in Ukraine that were to be addressed in the referendum were territorial integrity, the status of the Russian language in Ukraine, and decentralization of power.

The bill to hold the referendum was proposed on Monday. The vote against the referendum was not a landslide; 154 members voted in favor of the referendum.

Parliamentarian Alexander Briginec called the proposed referendum “populism,” and wrote, “The referendum should be held, but not during the war.”

Pro-Russian groups have occupied buildings throughout Southeastern Ukraine since March. Earlier this month, the Ukrainian parliament passed law to crack down on separatists, providing maximum sentences of 12 years for actions that purpose territorial changes.

Dozens of people have so far died in the clashes between pro-Russian forces and nationalist Ukrainian forces in Southeastern Ukraine.

By Day Blakely Donaldson

Source:

Voice of Russia

Human Rights Watch Releases New Report Calling USA “A Nation Behind Bars” and Says to Reform Criminal Sentencing

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Human Rights Watch has just released a report finding that too many US laws violate basic principles of justice. The report, released today, entitled “Nation Behind Bars: A Human Rights Solution,” finds that the US has the highest reported rate of incarceration in the world because punishments are far more severe than are necessary to meet their purposes.

A co-author of the report and US Program at Human Rights Watch senior advisory, Jamie Fellner, stated, “The ‘land of the free’ has become a country of prisons. Too many men and women are serving harsh prison sentences for nonviolent and often minor crimes. How can a country committed to liberty send minor dealers to die in prison for selling small amounts of illegal drugs to adults?”

Between 1997 and 2009, according to the report, prisoners in the US have increased 430 percent. The report also found that more than 95,000 criminals under 18 were in adult prisons and jails in 2011, based on Bureau of Justice Statistics data, and black Americans are nearly 10 times more likely to be in prisons. Currently, over 40 percent of all federal criminal prosecutions are for “illegal entry and re-entry” and border crimes, according to Human Rights Watch.

Human Rights Watch urged US legislators to ensure that punishments do not exceed the gravity of a crime, reform or eliminate mandatory minimum sentencing laws, ensure age-appropriate punishments for adolescents and children, reduce or eliminate criminal sanctions for immigration offences, and prevent racially biased enforcement of laws. Human Rights Watch also urged the decriminalization of personal use drug possession.

By Sid Douglas

Sources:

Human Rights Watch

Russia Paying Trolls to Comment on News Websites, Another Newspaper Says

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Another major newspaper believes that the Russian government is paying internet users to spam the comments section under their articles with aggressive, provocative pro-Russian propaganda. UK’s The Guardian newspaper moderators believe this is an orchestrated campaign.

The Guardian moderators, who deal with 40,000 comments per day, and The Guardian users believe the Russian government is paying webizens to troll their papers, using denigrating and abusive terms against other commenters who criticize Russia or Russia’s President Vladimir Putin. The Guardian’s former Moscow correspondent, Luke Harding, is in no doubt about Russia’s internet campaign, calling it “a well-attested phenomenon in Russia.”

The Guardian reported on the problem as early as 2012. “A pro-Kremlin group runs a network of internet trolls, seeks to buy flattering coverage of Vladimir Putin and hatches plans to discredit opposition activists and media, according to private emails allegedly hacked by a group calling itself the Russian arm of Anonymous,” the paper reported.

The Atlantic also reported on the problem, in October 2013. The paper cited a St. Petersberg Times article about a woman who was interviewed for a job in a “comment-mill,” where workers were expected to and distribute politically supportive or discrediting social media posts.

The Atlantic also noted the prevalence of this abuse of social media, reporting that the NGO Freedom House had stated that the practice is widespread in 22 of the 60 countries it examines, led by China, Bahrain and Russia.

By Day Blakely Donaldson

Sources:

The Guardian

The Atlantic

Russian Government’s Own Civil Society Organization Finds Crimean Referendum Falsified

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Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Council on the Development of Civil Society and Human Rights has published a report that finds that the Crimean referendum that served as the sole pretense of validity in Putin’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea, was falsified.

Council member Yevgeny Bobrov, human rights worker Svetlana Gannushkina and lawyer Olga Tsetlina prepared the report after visiting Simferopol and Sevastopol April 15-18. The report was published on the President Soviet website Monday.

Although many reports from various sources have found that Russia had falsified the vote, these reports were discredited by the Russian government as US propaganda.

The report finds that the turnout for the referendum in Crimea was 30-50 percent–not the reported 50-80 percent–and only 50-60 percent of those voters favored joining Russia. Voter turnout and support for Russia was higher in Sevastopol city, where, the Council reported, there was a heightened fear of “illegal armed formations.”

The Crimean referendum was held March 16 behind a blockade of armed Russian and pro-Russian forces, which prevented Ukraine from entering Crimea to enforce Ukrainian law while the referendum took place. The results of the referendum were announced to be 97 percent of an 83 percent turnout in favor of joining Russia, although the ballot only had two options: join Russia and revert to an earlier constitution to separate from Ukraine.

Separatist forces in Southeastern Ukraine are also calling for Russia to assist them in Crimea-style separatist referendums.

By Day Blakely Donaldson

Sources:

President Soviet

Kharkiv Human Rights Group

UN Security Council Votes to Lift “Conflict Diamonds” and Arms Bans for Cote d’Ivoire

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The 15-member UN Security Council unanimously voted to lift the 2005 resolution banning rough diamond imports from Cote d’Ivoire, as well as partially lift the 2004 arms embargo on the West African nation.

A review of progress made by the Republic of the Ivory Coast showed that the nation had made headway towards the 2003 Kimberley Process Certification Scheme implementation and better governance of the sector, which had aimed to prevent conflict diamonds from entering mainstream markets.

Another review–of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of combatants as well as security sector reform (SSR), national reconciliation and the fight against impunity–also showed progress in Cote d’Ivoire. The UNSC therefore voted to lift the ban on small arms and non-lethal equipment, training, technical assistance and financial assistance in order to enable Ivorian security forces to maintain public order without the Sanctions Committee. Heavy weapons imports still require approval by the Sanctions Committee.

The weapons ban was to last until April, 2015 and prohibited “the direct or indirect supply, sale or transfer to the West African nation, from their territories or by their nationals, or using their flag vessels or aircraft, of arms and any related material.”

The UNSC will continue financial and travel restrictions until April, 2015.

By Cheryl Bretton

Source:

International Law Prof Blog

Russian Law Allows Blocking Facebook, Google, YouTube, and Any Other Foreign Site (Feb. 1 Amendment)

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Feb. 1, 2014, an amendment to Russia’s “On Information, Information Technologies and Information Protection” law took effect.  The amendment allows the government to restrict access to websites with content that calls for riots, extremist activities, and participation in mass public events.

The bill is part of a trend in Russian law which began with President Vladimir Putin’s election to a second term in 2012.  The amendment in question allows the government to silence not only national criticism–it does this through other laws, such as its 139-FZ (2012) censorship law–but also criticism anywhere else in the world.  The measure shields Russia from political dissent.

A commonly cited example is Facebook.  During Russia’s 2012 presidential election, Facebook was used to organize protests against Putin.  Using the newly amended bill, the government’s agency responsible for monitoring such threats, Roskomnadzor (an acronym for Federal Service for Supervision in Telecommunications, Information Technology and Mass Communications), can contact Facebook when it finds such material and request Facebook remove the material.  If Facebook does not remove the material, Russia can block the site nationwide.

Roskomnadzor has had some success.  YouTube took videos, but filed a lawsuit in a Russian court to seek a finding that a video was not offensive (a video showing how to make fake cut-wounds).  Facebook removed a suicide-themed user group called “Club Suicid,” but stated that they had removed the video because it violated their terms of use, not because of the Russian legislation.  Facebook does block some content from some nations, such as Holocaust denial from Germany and France and defamation of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in Turkey.  Twitter removed posts that seemed to be related to drug deals and promoting suicidal thoughts.

The rationale for the bill was terrorism.  Child pornography, suicide encouragement, and drug information are also used to legitimize this category of legislation.  Roskomnadzor began by singling out only distressing material, such as real encouragement of suicide, child pornography and terrorism.  However, on March 13, 2014, several independent news sites were blocked.

The original internet censorship bill, officially titled “On Amendments to Federal Law On Protecting Children from Information Harmful to Their Health and the Development and Certain Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation” (139-FZ of 2012-07-28) passed the Russian Duma in 2012.  It passed unanimously with support from all four parties.  441 out of 450 deputies voted to support the bill.  The bill had raced through the Duma, less than a week after the initial June 6 reading of the amendments and its June 11 third reading and passage.

The bill created a registry–or “blacklist.”  The registry was  a “uniform registry of domain names and (or) the universal locators to pages of sites on the Internet and network addresses of sites on the Internet that contain information prohibited to spread in the Russian Federation.”  Any site found to have information that was prohibited would be put on the registry.

The qualifications to be put on the registry were two, broadly.  First, federal executive authorities could decide to register a site if they found the site contained child pornography, almost any information relating to drugs, or almost any information about suicide.  Second, a court decision could place a site on a registry if the site had information found to be prohibited to be spread in Russia.  The federal agency appointed to monitor websites and the courts–which already have authority to ban material that violates Russian legislation–can add items to the blacklist.  Appeals to convictions can only be made within a three-month period.

The bill had originally included “extremist” online content, but the Duma removed this portion in the bill’s third reading.

Upon being found to qualify for registry, the owner of the site is to be notified within days, and must remove all content found to be prohibited within days.  If the hosting provider or the owner of the site fail to restrict access, the site’s network address is added to the government’s registry (even though the same IP can be used for thousands of sites).

Criticism of the bill was voiced this way by the Presidential Council for the Development of Civil Society Institutions and Human Rights:

“The bill is not aimed at combating the causes of illegal content and its distribution on the Internet and will not contribute to the effectiveness of law enforcement and prosecution of criminals, who will be able to migrate resources from illegal content in other domains and IP addresses. At the same time, many bona fide Internet resources with legal content may be affected by the mass blocking, since the system would impose severe restrictions on the basis of subjective criteria and assessments, which will make the Russian jurisdiction extremely unattractive for Internet businesses.”

By Day Blakely Donaldson

Highbeam Business

Georgia Passes Gay Rights Law for EU Benefits

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In a vote of 115 to 1, the parliament of Georgia outlawed discrimination against homosexuals. The most debated point had been the inclusion of the terms “sexual orientation” and “gender identity.” Orthodox Christian groups had opposed what “believers view” as “non-traditional sexual relations” and “a mortal sin,” according to the head of the Georgian church, Patriarch Ilia II. “In its current form, this legislation provides propaganda and legality to this sin,” the Patriarch warned.

The consideration weighing on the parliament leading to this decision was meeting the conditions for an Association Agreement with the EU, which includes relaxed visa procedures with EU states. The requirements of the agreement include law that includes gender identity and sexuality.

“The question is as follows,” said Speaker Davit Usupashvili, “Either we go towards Europe and recognise that we cannot violate human rights, or we reject those views and stay in Russia. So which is it to be – Russia or Europe? This decision is to be made by parliament and the country. We must all make that choice together.”

Of the benefits of EU partnership, Justice Minister Tea Tsulukiani said, “That is a far greater benefit for our country, including for its territorial integrity, than these unfounded worries about whether certain revisions might cause local objections.”

The Georgian constitution already guarantees equality rights, but has been criticized as lacking mechanisms for enforcing the guarantees. Human Rights activists in Georgia have reported that homophobia is “a grave social trend that results in hate crimes and other discriminatory acts”.

One notable revision was the removal from the legislation of a proposed “equality inspector.” Instead, the Public Defender of Georgia will be responsible for oversight. The ombundsman’s office will attempt first to resolve matters through mediation before proceeding to court redress.

The revision has sparked criticism from some. Giorgi Gotsiridze of the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association said, “If we pass the law as it now stands, it will be ineffective because actions that are not criminal offences but which are discriminatory will go unpunished.”

Although it has been noted that proving harm caused by discrimination can be difficult, the law gives victims the right to claim compensation.

By Day Blakely Donaldson

Institute for War and Peace Reporting

New Mexico Forces Christian Photographers to Serve Gay Weddings – Elane Photography v. Willock (2013)

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In the 2013 trial, Elane Photography, LLC, v. Vanessa Willock, Willock sued Elane Photography for refusing to photograph Willock’s “commitment ceremony” i.e. wedding. The New Mexico Supreme Court unanimously found that Elane–despite religious convictions against gay marriage and despite her willingness to serve gays in services Elane already provided–violated the New Mexico Human Rights Act (NMHRA) that provides for protected groups to be specially shielded from discrimination. The court found that Elane had discriminated based on sexual orientation and was not protected by Constitutional guarantees of free speech or the free exercise of religion. Elane was forced to pay damages to Willock for declining to photograph her wedding.

In 2006, Willock e-mailed Elane Photography, LLC (operated by a couple, the Huguenins), proposing Elane photograph Willock’s “commitment ceremony,” which Willock also referred to as a “wedding.” Willock phrased the proposition as asking Elane Photography if it would be “open to helping celebrate” her “commitment ceremony.” Elaine Huguenin, the photographer, politely declined, stating that she photographed only “traditional weddings.” Willock e-mailed Elane Photography again two months later, asking whether Elane offered its “services to same sex couples,” to which Huguenin responded that the company did “not photograph same-sex weddings,” and thanked Willock for her interest.

Willock filed a discrimination complaint with the New Mexico Human Rights Commission (NMHRC) on the basis that Elane Photography discriminated against her because of her sexual orientation. The NMHRC concluded that Elane Photography had so discriminated. It awarded Willock attorney fees (later waved by Willock).

Elane appealed for a trial de novo, seeking a reversal of the award and a declaratory judgement that it had not discriminated, as well as a ruling that its rights had been violated. The district court found for Willock. Elane appealed, and the Court of Appeals affirmed. The New Mexico Supreme Court granted certiorari.

Elane offered three arguments. First, that it had not discriminated. Second, that the NMHRA violated Elane’s First Amendment rights, under the Amendment’s compelled speech protection and freedom of religion guarantee. Third, that the NMHRA violated the New Mexico Religious Freedom Restoration act (which protects free exercise of religion from government restrictions).

Although Huguenin would have served homosexuals in any of the services Elane Photography already provided (portraits, straight marriage) and would not have served heterosexuals with photography that depicted homosexual content (holding hands or showing affection), the opinion of the court was that “[t]hose situations are not at issue here,” and that “Elane Photography intended to discriminate against Willock based on her same-sex orientation.” The court framed Elane’s claims as “[seeing] no basis for distinguishing between discrimination based on sexual orientation and discrimination based on someone’s conduct.” The NMHRA prohibited “any person in any public accomodation to make a distiction, directly or indirectly, in refusing to offer services.” Although Elane Photography was willing to serve homosexual couples, the court found that Elane Photography had “[refused] to serve a client based on sexual orientation, and Elaine Photography violated the law by refusing to photograph Willock’s same-sex commitment ceremony.” The court, therefore, held that Elane Photography had discriminated in violation of the NMHRA.

As for the reasons for Elane’s refusal to photograph the gay marriage, Elane explained that it “did not want to convey through [Huguenin’s] pictures the story of an event celebrating an understanding of marriage that conflicts with [the owner’s] beliefs.” Elane Photography held that it did not wish to endorse Willock’s wedding.

Elane’s argument that the NMHRA violated First Amendment guarantees had several components. Under the Free Speech Clause (in this case, compelled speech), Elane argued that the NMHRA compelled Elane to speak, compelled Elane to speak the government’s message, compelled Elane to accommodate the message of another, compelled Elaine to allocate its work time not as Elane would wish, and compelled Elane’s creative, expressive capacity. Also under the First Amendment, Elane argued that its guarantee to free exercise of religion was violated by the NMHRA.

Elane argued that, because photographing a same-sex wedding was against the owners’ personal beliefs, the NMHRA’s compelled Elane to speak in violation of its First Amendment rights (which includes the right to refrain from speaking). Elane argued that the HMHRA unconstitutionally compelled it to “create and engage in expression” that sends a positive message about same-sex marriage not shared by the owner. The court looked at the guarantee that the government “may not require an individual to ‘speak the government’s message,'” and may not require a private actor “to host or accommodate another speaker’s message” or “require an individual to participate in the dissemination of an ideological message by displaying it on his [or her] private property in a manner and for the express purpose that it be observed and read by the public.” The court ruled that “the NMHRA does not require Elane Photography to recite or display any message. It does not even require Elane Photography to take photographs. The NMHRA only mandates that if Elane Photography operates a business as a public accomodation, it cannot discriminate against potential clients based on their sexual orientation.” The court looked to Barnette (Jehovah’s witnesses protesting saluting the flag at school because of Bible prohibitions against saluting any image), but found that Barnette “[did] not bring [the Jehovah’s witness children] into collision with rights asserted by any other individual,” but Elane’s asserted right did conflict directly with Willock’s rights under the NMHRA. The court stated that “[a]nti-discrimination laws have the important purposes that go beyond expressing government values: they ensure that services are freely available in the market, and they protect individuals from humiliation and dignity harm.” To the argument that by requiring Elane Photography to accept a client who is having a same-sex wedding the NMHRA compelled Elane to facilitate the messages inherent in that event, the court ruled that,

“Elane Photography has misunderstood this issue. It believes that because it is a photography business, it cannot be subject to public accommodation laws. The reality is that because it is a public accommodation, its provision of services can be regulated, even though those services include artistic and creative work. If Elane Photography took photographs on its own time and sold them at a gallery, or if it was hired by certain clients but did not offer its services to the general public, the law would not apply to Elane Photography’s choice of whom to photograph or not. The difference in the present case is that the photographs that are allegedly compelled by the NMHRA are photographs that Elane Photography produces for hire in the ordinary course of its business as a public accommodation.”

Although Elane argued that it did not with to convey a message either that same-sex marriages exists or that such occasions deserve celebration or approval, the court ruled that “Elane Photography sells its expressive services to the public. It may be that Elane Photography expresses its clients’ messages in its photographs, but only because it is hired to do so,” and therefore, the court ruled, the NMHRA required Elane to perform the same services for same-sex couples as for opposite-sex couples (equating the service of providing photography for opposite-sex weddings with the service of photographing same-sex weddings).

Elane argued that the NMHRA involved “direct government interference with the speaker’s own message, as opposed to a message-for-hire.” The court looked to cases where the government required a publisher to distribute an opposing point of view (Miami Herald Publishing Co. v. Tornillo), upholding the publisher’s rights, but ruled that Elane was different because “[the] government had not interfered with Elane Photography’s editorial judgement; the only choice regulated is Elane Photography’s choice of clients.”

Elane also argued that the NMHRA had a chilling effect on speech. The court ruled that “[i]f a commercial photography business believes that the NMHRA stifles its creativity, it can remain in business, but it can cease to
offer its services to the public at large. Elane Photography’s choice to offer its services to the public is a business decision, not a decision about its freedom of speech.”

The court also looked to Hurley (where the court upheld the private organizers of the Boston St. Patrick’s Day parade’s denial of the application of a LGBT group [GLIB] to march in the parade), but found that, although the Supreme Court had held that the parade did not discriminate against gay participants; rather, the issue was “the admission of GLIB as its own parade unit carrying its own banner,” which had unquestionable expressive content, Elane differed because, whereas “parades by their nature express a message to the public,” and that requiring the parade organizers to include GLIB would “directly alter the expressive content of the parade,” the case did not apply to Elane because the NMHRA “applies not to Elane Photography’s photographs but to its business operation, and in particular, its business decision not to offer its services to protected classes of people.” The court ruled that “[w]hatever message Elane Photography’s photographs may express, they express that message only to the clients and their loved ones, not to the public,” but at the same time noted that “when Elane Photography displays its photographs publicly and on its own behalf, rather than for a client, such as in advertising, its choices of which photographs to display are entirely its own.”

The court also stated that Elane’s concern of “perceived endorsement” was wrong. “Obeservers are unlikely to believe that Elane Photography’s photographs reflect the views of either its owners or its employees,” ruled the court, finding Elane different again from Hurley, where the Court “observed that admitting GLIB or any other organization into a parade would likely be perceived as a message from the parade organizers ‘that [GLIB’s] message was worthy of presentation and quite possibly of support as well.'”

The court saw Elane’s First Amendment right to expression of religeon as being retained despite NMHRA limitations in this way:

“Elane Photography and its owners likewise retain their First Amendment rights to express their religious and political beliefs. They may, for example, post a disclaimer on their website or in their studio advertising that “they oppose same-sex marriage but that they comply with applicable antidiscrimination laws.”

The Court considered Elane’s argument that they had less time to spend doing their preferred work if they have to take and edit photographs of same-sex weddings (thereby creating a situation of compelled speech), but found that the claim was not valid, because “Elane Photography does not produce a publication whose limited space has been taken over by the government.” The court found that Elane’s claim that the NMHRA interferes with its speech because it ties up its time doing what it does not wish to do was invalid “because the allocation of work time is a matter of personal preference, not compelled speech, and it is not constitutionally protected.”

The Court explained that the NMHRA forces businesses to act a certain way:

“This is the purpose of antidiscrimination laws: they force businesses to treat customers alike, regardless of their race, religion, or other protected status. These laws are necessary precisely because some businesses would otherwise refuse to work with certain customers whom the laws protect.”

The court noted that the NMHRA does not prohibit law firms (even law firms that are public accommodations) “from turning away clients with whose views the firm disagrees or with whom it simply does not wish to work.” However, the court ruled, Elane (and law firms) cannot turn away clients because they “find the client offensive on the basis of a protected classification.”

Elane’s argument for freedom of religious expression was found invalid because “the right of free exercise does not relieve an individual of the obligation to comply with a valid and neutral law of general applicability on the ground that the law proscribes (or prescribes) conduct that his religion prescribes (or proscribes),” and the NMHRA was a neutral law of general applicability, as stated in its text.

The U.S. Supreme Court, however, left open the possibility that neutral laws of general applicability could still be unconstitutional if they infringed both free exercise rights and an independent constitutional protection (hybrid-rights claim), but because Elane Photography had not sufficiently briefed the Court on this issue, the court would not consider it.

Elane Photography’s final line of argument was that the NMHRA violated the New Mexico Religious Freedom Restoration Act (NMRFRA), but the court ruled that the NMRFRA was not applicable in disputes where a government agency is not a party.

The court concluded that Elane Photography refused to serve Willock based on Willock’s sexual orientation, and so was in violation of the NMHRA. The court found that enforcing the NMHRA did not violate the First Amendment or the NMRFRA.

In the concurring opinion, justices wrote that although the Huguenins were now “compelled by law to compromise the very religious beliefs that inspire their lives,” “all of us must compromise, if only a little,” which is what this case “taught,” and that although the Constitution protects the Huguenins in their freedom “to think, to say, to believe, as they wish,” “there is a price.” “[T]he Huguenins have to channel their conduct, not their beliefs, so as to leave space for other Americans who believe something different…. it is the price of citizenship.”

By Day Blakely Donaldson

Sources:

Justia
Justia
State Court Docket Watch
Federalist Society

U.S. Department of Homeland Security Reconsiders U.S.-Wide Licence Plate Data Collection Program

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Criticism by privacy advocates has caused the U.S. Homeland Security Department (DHS) to review its proposal for private companies to provide the government with a U.S.-wide database of licence plate tracking information.  The concerns raised by privacy advocates include the gratuitous nature of the privacy intrusion, the lack of regulations and safeguards regarding the data collection, and the lack of measures that would provide for audits of the system.

The data collection proposal by the DHS was made public Feb. 12 on the government website, Federal Business Opportunities.  The website, also known as Fed Biz Ops, is a public access service on which all Federal Procurement Opportunities over $25,000 are available to view.  The DHS’s solicitation was for a private company to collect, store, and provide license plate data on a national scale.  The data collection, similar to the NSA’s bulk telephony data collection, would constantly track and forever store the movements of vehicles across America.  Like telephone metadata, location data can often tell more than content data about behavior and activities.  Jennifer Lynch, attorney at Electronic Frontier Foundation, explained that this type of data can tell who a person associates with, what religion they practice, and what doctors they visit, among other information.

One concern raised by privacy advocates is that a program such as the one proposed would track the behavior and activities of non-criminal citizens.  Privacy advocates consider this an imposition and do not believe the imposition has justification in its benefits to law enforcement.  Another concern is that the proposed program had no specific regulations or safeguards.  There was no telling low long records would be kept or what government agencies besides the DHS would have access to the records. Relatedly, the method of use for the system included anonymous, alias, and full identity use, which caused privacy advocates concern because there would be no way to audit the use of the database and so no way to know which information requests were legitimate or hold accountable unidentifiable abusers of the system.

Mike German, a former F.B.I. special agent and current fellow at New York University School of Law’s Brennan Center for Justice, speaking on behalf of the American Civil Liberties Union, stated that there should be “strict public guidelines” about what information is collected, who has access to that information, and for what purposes the information is allowed to be used.   German also commented on government claims that the information was necessary to help solve serious crimes, saying that the information is often used for very low-level crimes.

The plan proposed by the DHS was for a commercial enterprise to collect and store license plate data (rather than the government creating its own database).  The targets of the plan, according the DHS, were fugitives and undocumented immigrants.  The system would have allowed officers of the law, once those officers had an investigative lead, to query the database with plate numbers to determine where and when the vehicle traveled.  The plan included a smartphone ap so that information records would be available around-the-clock and from any location.

Currently, several large private companies are already providing license plate data to businesses and law enforcement agencies.  Law enforcement agencies have used these services to recover abducted children, solve murders, and track down automobiles for repossession.  License plate databanks also reduce surveillance man-hours and improve the safety of law enforcement officers, according the U.S. immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency.

The U.S.-wide license plate data collection program proposal was cancelled by the Department of Homeland Security the week after it was submitted.  No official reason was provided for why the proposal was made or why it was withdrawn. Gillian Christensen, a spokesperson for ICE, announced that the proposal had been made “without the awareness of the ICE leadership.”

By Day Blakely Donaldson

Sources:

Businessweek
Businessweek
Burlington Free Press

Gay Marriage Guaranteed by Equal Rights Protections in Constitution – Baehr v. Lewin (1993) and Goodridge v. Department of Public Health (2003)

Gay Marriage Guaranteed by Equal Rights Protections in Constitution - Baehr v. Lewin (1993) and Goodridge v. Department of Public Health (2003)
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Two cases mark the recent change in the legal status of homosexual marriage: Baehr v. Lewin (1993) and Goodridge v. Department of Public Health (2003). In Baehr, the finding of a constitutional right based on the guarantees of equal protection was not enough to change laws prohibiting gay marriage, but in Goodridge, where the same equal-rights guarantee was found, the state interest claims did not convince the majority of justices that homosexual marriage should remain prohibited. The constitutionally protected right of homosexuals to engage in sex was secured in a case which concluded months before GoodridgeLawrence v. Texas (2003).

The right of gays to marry was based on the U.S. and state constitutions, which guarantee equal rights.

Three couples, who met all other marriage requirements, were denied licences in 1990, after which they filed a lawsuit in 1991 against the Hawaii Attorney General, John C. Lewin, seeking to have the exclusion of gays from marriage certification declared unconstitutional. Lewin was replaced by the State Director of Health, Lawrence H. Miike in later stages of the trial proceedings. In 1993 the Court found that denying homosexuals marriage licences was unequal treatment and therefore unconstitutional, and ordered the state to provide evidence of justification for abridging Constitutional rights. Judge Chang ruled in 1996 that none of the state’s claims to compelling interest in restricting marriage rights were valid by the strict scrutiny test, and even if the state had proven such interests, the state had failed to prove that the statute was narrowly tailored to avoid unnecessary abridgment of constitutional rights. Chang ordered the state not to refuse marriage licences to any qualified applicants, including same-sex couples, but stayed the ruling because of the position newly married couples would be in if the Supreme Court later reversed Chang’s decision. In 1998 Hawaiian voters approved an amendment to the Hawaii constitution limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples and in 1999 the Supreme Court did overturn Chang’s judgement.

The first U.S. Supreme court trial to find that same-sex couples had the right to marry was Goodridge v. Dept. of Public Health (2003). Gay and Lesbian Advocates and Defenders (GLAD), on behalf of several same-sex couples who had been denied marriage licences in 2001, sued the Massachusetts Department of Health. The Superior Court found for the defendants, believing that altering the Commonwealth’s centuries-old tradition of restricting marriage to opposite-sex couples was a matter for the legislature, who had, the Court noted, recently defended same-sex marriage limitations.  The trial was appealed to the Supreme Court.

After looking at the state constitution’s guarantee of equal protection and due process, a small majority (5-4) found the prohibition of one class of citizen’s licence to marry was unconstitutional, and found that no rational reason existed to override this constitutional right. The large minority found several of the state’s interest claims convincing, such as the importance of marriage as an institution based on the raising of children and the state’s reluctance to assign equal benefits, obligations, and responsibilities to homosexual couples through marriage. Another reason for dissent was the belief that the power to regulate marriage lies not with the judiciary, but with the Legislature, and therefore, even if the ruling in favor of gay marriage was a step forward socially, it was a misstep legally and constitutionally.

By Day  Blakely Donaldson

Sources:

Justia
Justia

The Right to Keep and Bear Arms in the U.S.A.

The Right to Bear Arms in the U.S.A.
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James Madison wrote 19 proposed Amendments to the Constitution.  Ten were ratified in 1791, becoming the Bill of Rights.  The right to bear arms is the second Amendment:

“A well guarded Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.”

The U.S. Constitution drew upon the Virginia Constitution, written by Geoge Mason, for its language.  The Virginia Constitution, adopted in 1776, had 16 sections.  The right to bear arms was the 13th:

“That a well-regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defense of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided as dangerous to liberty; and that in all cases the military should be under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.”

It is clearer in the Mason guarantees what was being provided for: that the proper defense of a state is an organized militia composed of state citizens; that national armies are dangerous to liberty and should be avoided in times of peace; that civil authorities should control strictly any national military.  In Madison’s Amendment, the language is confused, but looking to the Mason document for clarity, the Amendment’s meaning is available: A state militia is necessary to a state, and therefore state citizens shall always have the right to keep and bear arms.  The unwritten reason why a state needs a militia is the defense of state, including its defense against a national military that could endanger the liberty of state citizens, if ever such a defense were necessary.

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The vagueness of Madison’s Second Amendment has caused confusion and disagreement in the matter of Americans’ right to keep and bear arms, and so shows a lack of clarity in the U.S. Constitution. In District of Columbia v. Heller (2008), the vague meaning of the Second Amendment was finally ruled on, but not conclusively.  The decision was 5-4 that the Second Amendment meant the right to keep and bear firearms unconnected with military service in a militia and to use those firearms for self-defense within the home.  The large minority argued that the Second Amendment protected only the right to keep and bear arms in connection with militia service. In order to decide the meaning of the Second Amendment, Justice Scalia, writing for the majority, went into a long, complex investigation of the language of the Second Amendment, examining grammatical elements, comparing the language with the language of other Amendments, comparing definitions of the words used in the Amendment, and decided upon possible and less possible meanings of the Amendment.  Scalia’s conclusion in large resulted from his conclusion that “the operative clause is consistent with the announced purpose” while the “prefatory clause does not limit or expand the scope of the operative clause.” Scalia’s study of the language was not persuasive for at least four of the nine justices.  The large dissenting opinion believed that the meaning of “bear arms” was not, as Scalia defined it, “any thing that a man wears for his defense,” but rather an idiom meaning “to serve as a soldier, do military service.”

By Day Blakely Donaldson

Source: Cornell University